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Chapter 9



The rise and fall in the profits of stock depend upon the same causes with
the rise and fall in the wages of labour, the increasing or declining state
of the wealth of the society ; but those causes affect the one and the other
very differently.

The increase of stock, which raises wages, tends to lower profit. When the
stocks of many rich merchants are turned into the same trade, their mutual
competition naturally tends to lower its profit; and when there is a like
increase of stock in all the different trades carried on in the same
society, the same competition must produce the same effect in them all.

It is not easy, it has already been observed, to ascertain what are the
average wages of labour, even in a particular place, and at a particular
time. We can, even in this case, seldom determine more than what are the
most usual wages. But even this can seldom be done with regard to the
profits of stock. Profit is so very fluctuating, that the person who carries
on a particular trade, cannot always tell you himself what is the average of
his annual profit. It is affected, not only by every variation of price in
the commodities which he deals in, but by the good or bad fortune both of
his rivals and of his customers, and by a thousand other accidents, to which
goods, when carried either by sea or by land, or even when stored in a
warehouse, are liable. It varies, therefore, not only from year to year, but
from day to day, and almost from hour to hour. To ascertain what is the
average profit of all the different trades carried on in a great kingdom,
must be much more difficult; and to judge of what it may have been formerly,
or in remote periods of time, with any degree of precision, must be
altogether impossible.

But though it may be impossible to determine, with any degree of precision,
what are or were the average profits of stock, either in the present or in
ancient times, some notion may be formed of them from the interest of money.
It may be laid down as a maxim, that wherever a great deal can be made by
the use of money, a great deal will commonly be given for the use of it; and
that, wherever little can be made by it, less will commonly he given for it.
Accordingly, therefore, as the usual market rate of interest varies in any
country, we may be assured that the ordinary profits of stock must vary with
it, must sink as it sinks, and rise as it rises. The progress of interest,
therefore, may lead us to form some notion of the progress of profit.

By the 37th of Henry VIII. all interest above ten per cent. was declared
unlawful. More, it seems, had sometimes been taken before that. In the reign
of Edward VI. religious zeal prohibited all interest. This prohibition,
however, like all others of the same kind, is said to have produced no
effect, and probably rather increased than diminished the evil of usury. The
statute of Henry VIII. was revived by the 13th of Elizabeth, cap. 8. and ten
per cent. continued to be the legal rate of interest till the 21st of James
I. when it was restricted to eight per cent. It was reduced to six per cent.
soon after the Restoration, and by the 12th of Queen Anne, to five per cent.
All these different statutory regulations seem to have been made with great
propriety. They seem to have followed, and not to have gone before, the
market rate of interest, or the rate at which people of good credit usually
borrowed. Since the time of Queen Anne, five per cent. seems to have been
rather above than below the market rate. Before the late war, the government
borrowed at three per cent. ; and people of good credit in the capital, and
in many other parts of the kingdom, at three and a-half, four, and four and
a-half per cent.

Since the time of Henry VIII. the wealth and revenue of the country have
been continually advancing, and in the course of their progress, their pace
seems rather to have been gradually accelerated than retarded. They seem not
only to have been going on, but to have been going on faster and faster. The
wages of labour have been continually increasing during the same period,
and, in the greater part of the different branches of trade and
manufactures, the profits of stock have been diminishing.

It generally requires a greater stock to carry on any sort of trade in a
great town than in a country village. The great stocks employed in every
branch of trade, and the number of rich competitors, generally reduce the
rate of profit in the former below what it is in the latter. But the wages
of labour are generally higher in a great town than in a country village. In
a thriving town, the people who have great stocks to employ, frequently
cannot get the number of workmen they want, and therefore bid against one
another, in order to get as many as they can, which raises the wages of
labour, and lowers the profits of stock. In the remote parts of the
country, there is frequently not stock sufficient to employ all the people,
who therefore bid against one another, in order to get employment, which
lowers the wages of labour, and raises the profits of stock.

In Scotland, though the legal rate of interest is the same as in England,
the market rate is rather higher. People of the best credit there seldom
borrow under five per cent. Even private bankers in Edinburgh give four per
cent. upon their promissory-notes, of which payment, either in whole or in
part may be demanded at pleasure. Private bankers in London give no interest
for the money which is deposited with them. There are few trades which
cannot be carried on with a smaller stock in Scotland than in England. The
common rate of profit, therefore, must be somewhat greater. The wages of
labour, it has already been observed, are lower in Scotland than in England.
The country, too, is not only much poorer, but the steps by which it
advances to a better condition, for it is evidently advancing, seem to be
much slower and more tardy.
The legal rate of interest in France has not during the course of the present century, been
always regulated by the market rate { See Denisart, Article Taux des Interests, tom. iii, p.13}.
In 1720, interest was reduced from the twentieth to the fiftieth penny, or from five to two per
cent. In 1724, it was raised to the thirtieth penny, or to three and a third per cent. In 1725, it
was again raised to the twentieth penny, or to five per cent. In 1766, during the administration
of Mr Laverdy, it was reduced to the twenty-fifth penny, or to four per cent. The Abbé Terray
raised it afterwards to the old rate of five per cent. The supposed purpose of many of those
violent reductions of interest was to prepare the way for reducing that of the public debts ; a
purpose which has sometimes been executed. France is, perhaps, in the present times, not so
rich a country as England; and though the legal rate of interest has in France frequently been
lower than in England, the market rate has generally been higher; for there, as in other
countries, they have several very safe and easy methods of evading the law. The profits of
trade, I have been assured by British merchants who had traded in both countries, are higher
in France than in England ; and it is no doubt upon this account, that many British subjects
chuse rather to employ their capitals in a country where trade is in disgrace, than in one where
it is highly respected. The wages of labour are lower in France than in England. When you go
from Scotland to England, the difference which you may remark between the dress and
countenance of the common people in the one country and in the other, sufficiently indicates
the difference in their condition. The contrast is still greater when you return from France.
France, though no doubt a richer country than Scotland, seems not to be going forward so fast.
It is a common and even a popular opinion in the country, that it is going backwards ; an
opinion which I apprehend, is ill-founded, even with regard to France, but which nobody can
possibly entertain with regard to Scotland, who sees the country now, and who saw it twenty
or thirty years ago.

The province of Holland, on the other hand, in proportion to the extent of
its territory and the number of its people, is a richer country than
England. The government there borrow at two per cent. and private people of
good credit at three. The wages of labour are said to be higher in Holland
than in England, and the Dutch, it is well known, trade upon lower profits
than any people in Europe. The trade of Holland, it has been pretended by
some people, is decaying, and it may perhaps be true that some particular
branches of it are so; but these symptoms seem to indicate sufficiently that
there is no general decay. When profit diminishes, merchants are very apt to
complain that trade decays, though the diminution of profit is the natural
effect of its prosperity, or of a greater stock being employed in it than
before. During the late war, the Dutch gained the whole carrying trade of
France, of which they still retain a very large share. The great property
which they possess both in French and English funds, about forty millions,
it is said in the latter (in which, I suspect, however, there is a
considerable exaggeration ), the great sums which they lend to private
people, in countries where the rate of interest is higher than in their own,
are circumstances which no doubt demonstrate the redundancy of their stock,
or that it has increased beyond what they can employ with tolerable profit
in the proper business of their own country; but they do not demonstrate
that that business has decreased. As the capital of a private man, though
acquired by a particular trade, may increase beyond what he can employ in
it, and yet that trade continue to increase too, so may likewise the capital
of a great nation.

In our North American and West Indian colonies, not only the wages of
labour, but the interest of money, and consequently the profits of stock,
are higher than in England. In the different colonies, both the legal and
the market rate of interest run from six to eight percent. High wages of
labour and high profits of stock, however, are things, perhaps, which scarce
ever go together, except in the peculiar circumstances of new colonies. A
new colony must always, for some time, be more understocked in proportion to
the extent of its territory, and more underpeopled in proportion to the
extent of its stock, than the greater part of other countries. They have
more land than they have stock to cultivate. What they have, therefore, is
applied to the cultivation only of what is most fertile and most favourably
situated, the land near the sea-shore, and along the banks of navigable
rivers. Such land, too, is frequently purchased at a price below the value
even of its natural produce. Stock employed in the purchase and improvement
of such lands, must yield a very large profit, and, consequently, afford to
pay a very large interest. Its rapid accumulation in so profitable an
employment enables the planter to increase the number of his hands faster
than he can find them in a new settlement. Those whom he can find,
therefore, are very liberally rewarded. As the colony increases, the profits
of stock gradually diminish. When the most fertile and best situated lands
have been all occupied, less profit can be made by the cultivation of what
is inferior both in soil and situation, and less interest can be afforded
for the stock which is so employed. In the greater part of our colonies,
accordingly, both the legal and the market rate of interest have been
considerably reduced during the course of the present century. As riches,
improvement, and population, have increased, interest has declined. The
wages of labour do not sink with the profits of stock. The demand for labour
increases with the increase of stock, whatever be its profits; and after
these are diminished, stock may not only continue to increase, but to
increase much faster than before. It is with industrious nations, who are
advancing in the acquisition of riches, as with industrious individuals. A
great stock, though with small profits, generally increases faster than a
small stock with great profits. Money, says the proverb, makes money. When
you have got a little, it is often easy to get more. The great difficulty is
to get that little. The connection between the increase of stock and that of
industry, or of the demand for useful labour, has partly been explained
already, but will be explained more fully hereafter, in treating of the
accumulation of stock.

The acquisition of new territory, or of new branches of trade, may sometimes
raise the profits of stock, and with them the interest of money, even in a
country which is fast advancing in the acquisition of riches. The stock of
the country, not being sufficient for the whole accession of business which
such acquisitions present to the different people among whom it is divided,
is applied to those particular branches only which afford the greatest
profit. Part of what had before been employed in other trades, is
necessarily withdrawn from them, and turned into some of the new and more
profitable ones. In all those old trades, therefore, the competition comes
to be Jess than before. The market comes to be less fully supplied with many
different sorts of goods. Their price necessarily rises more or less, and
yields a greater profit to those who deal in them, who can, therefore,
afford to borrow at a higher interest. For some time after the conclusion of
the late war, not only private people of the best credit, but some of the
greatest companies in London, commonly borrowed at five per cent. who,
before that, had not been used to pay more than four, and four and a half
per cent. The great accession both of territory and trade by our
acquisitions in North America and the West Indies, will sufficiently account
for this, without supposing any diminution in the capital stock of the
society. So great an accession of new business to be carried on by the old
stock, must necessarily have diminished the quantity employed in a great
number of particular branches, in which the competition being less, the
profits must have been greater. I shall hereafter have occasion to mention
the reasons which dispose me to believe that the capital stock of Great
Britain was not diminished, even by the enormous expense of the late war.

The diminution of the capital stock of the society, or of the funds destined
for the maintenance of industry, however, as it lowers the wages of labour,
so it raises the profits of stock, and consequently the interest of money.
By the wages of labour being lowered, the owners of what stock remains in
the society can bring their goods at less expense to market than before ;
and less stock being employed in supplying the market than before, they can
sell them dearer. Their goods cost them less, and they get more for them.
Their profits, therefore, being augmented at both ends, can well afford a
large interest. The great fortunes so suddenly and so easily acquired in
Bengal and the other British settlements in the East Indies, may satisfy us,
that as the wages of labour are very low, so the profits of stock are very
high in those ruined countries. The interest of money is proportionably so.
In Bengal, money is frequently lent to the farmers at forty, fifty, and
sixty per cent. and the succeeding crop is mortgaged for the payment. As the
profits which can afford such an interest must eat up almost the whole rent
of the landlord, so such enormous usury must in its turn eat up the greater
part of those profits. Before the fall of the Roman republic, a usury of the
same kind seems to have been common in the provinces, under the ruinous
administration of their proconsuls. The virtuous Brutus lent money in Cyprus
at eight-and-forty per cent. as we learn from the letters of Cicero.

In a country which had acquired that full complement of riches which the
nature of its soil and climate, and its situation with respect to other
countries, allowed it to acquire, which could, therefore, advance no
further, and which was not going backwards, both the wages of labour and the
profits of stock would probably be very low. In a country fully peopled in
proportion to what either its territory could maintain, or its stock employ,
the competition for employment would necessarily be so great as to reduce
the wages of labour to what was barely sufficient to keep up the number of
labourers, and the country being already fully peopled, that number could
never be augmented. In a country fully stocked in proportion to all the
business it had to transact, as great a quantity of stock would be employed
in every particular branch as the nature and extent of the trade would
admit. The competition, therefore, would everywhere be as great, and,
consequently, the ordinary profit as low as possible.

But, perhaps, no country has ever yet arrived at this degree of opulence.
China seems to have been long stationary, and had, probably, long ago
acquired that full complement of riches which is consistent with the nature
of its laws and institutions. But this complement may be much inferior to
what, with other laws and institutions, the nature of its soil, climate, and
situation, might admit of. A country which neglects or despises foreign
commerce, and which admits the vessel of foreign nations into one or two of
its ports only, cannot transact the same quantity of business which it might
do with different laws and institutions. In a country, too, where, though
the rich, or the owners of large capitals, enjoy a good deal of security,
the poor, or the owners of small capitals, enjoy scarce any, but are liable,
under the pretence of justice, to be pillaged and plundered at any time by
the inferior mandarins, the quantity of stock employed in all the different
branches of business transacted within it, can never be equal to what the
nature and extent of that business might admit. In every different branch,
the oppression of the poor must establish the monopoly of the rich, who, by
engrossing the whole trade to themselves, will be able to make very large
profits. Twelve per cent. accordingly, is said to be the common interest of
money in China, and the ordinary profits of stock must be sufficient to
afford this large interest.

A defect in the law may sometimes raise the rate of interest considerably
above what the condition of the country, as to wealth or poverty, would
require. When the law does not enforce the performance of contracts, it puts
all borrowers nearly upon the same footing with bankrupts, or people of
doubtful credit, in better regulated countries. The uncertainty of
recovering his money makes the lender exact the same usurious interest which
is usually required from bankrupts. Among the barbarous nations who overran
the western provinces of the Roman empire, the performance of contracts was
left for many ages to the faith of the contracting parties. The courts of
justice of their kings seldom intermeddled in it. The high rate of interest
which took place in those ancient times, may, perhaps, be partly accounted
for from this cause.

When the law prohibits interest altogether, it does not prevent it. Many
people must borrow, and nobody will lend without such a consideration for
the use of their money as is suitable, not only to what can be made by the
use of it, but to the difficulty and danger of evading the law. The high
rate of interest among all Mahometan nations is accounted for by M.
Montesquieu, not from their poverty, but partly from this, and partly from
the difficulty of recovering the money.

The lowest ordinary rate of profit must always be something more than what
is sufficient to compensate the occasional losses to which every employment
of stock is exposed. It is this surplus only which is neat or clear profit.
What is called gross profit, comprehends frequently not only this surplus,
but what is retained for compensating such extraordinary losses. The
interest which the borrower can afford to pay is in proportion to the clear
profit only. The lowest ordinary rate of interest must, in the same manner,
be something more than sufficient to compensate the occasional losses to
which lending, even with tolerable prudence, is exposed. Were it not, mere
charity or friendship could be the only motives for lending.

In a country which had acquired its full complement of riches, where, in
every particular branch of business, there was the greatest quantity of
stock that could be employed in it, as the ordinary rate of clear profit
would be very small, so the usual market rate of interest which could be
afforded out of it would be so low as to render it impossible for any but
the very wealthiest people to live upon the interest of their money. All
people of small or middling fortunes would be obliged to superintend
themselves the employment of their own stocks. It would be necessary that
almost every man should be a man of business, or engage in some sort of
trade. The province of Holland seems to be approaching near to this state.
It is there unfashionable not to be a man of business. Necessity makes it
usual for almost every man to be so, and custom everywhere regulates
fashion. As it is ridiculous not to dress, so is it, in some measure, not to
be employed like other people. As a man of a civil profession seems awkward
in a camp or a garrison, and is even in some danger of being despised there,
so does an idle man among men of business.

The highest ordinary rate of profit may be such as, in the price of the
greater part of commodities, eats up the whole of what should go to the rent
of the land, and leaves only what is sufficient to pay the labour of
preparing and bringing them to market, according to the lowest rate at which
labour can anywhere be paid, the bare subsistence of the labourer. The
workman must always have been fed in some way or other while he was about
the work, but the landlord may not always have been paid. The profits of the
trade which the servants of the East India Company carry on in Bengal may
not, perhaps, be very far from this rate.

The proportion which the usual market rate of interest ought to bear to the
ordinary rate of clear profit, necessarily varies as profit rises or falls.
Double interest is in Great Britain reckoned what the merchants call a good,
moderate, reasonable profit; terms which, I apprehend, mean no more than a
common and usual profit. In a country where the ordinary rate of clear profit
is eight or ten per cent. it may be reasonable that one half of it should go
to interest, wherever business is carried on with borrowed money. The stock
is at the risk of the borrower, who, as it were, insures it to the lender ;
and four or five per cent. may, in the greater part of trades, be both a
sufficient profit upon the risk of this insurance, and a sufficient
recompence for the trouble of employing the stock. But the proportion
between interest and clear profit might not be the same in countries where
the ordinary rate of profit was either a good deal lower, or a good deal
higher. If it were a good deal lower, one half of it, perhaps, could not be
afforded for interest ; and more might be afforded if it were a good deal

In countries which are fast advancing to riches, the low rate of profit may,
in the price of many commodities, compensate the high wages of labour, and
enable those countries to sell as cheap as their less thriving neighbours,
among whom the wages of labour may be lower.

In reality, high profits tend much more to raise the price of work than high
wages. If, in the linen manufacture, for example, the wages of the different
working people, the flax-dressers, the spinners, the weavers, etc. should all
of them be advanced twopence a-day, it would be necessary to heighten the
price of a piece of linen only by a number of twopences equal to the number
of people that had been employed about it, multiplied by the number of days
during which they had been so employed. That part of the price of the
commodity which resolved itself into the wages, would, through all the
different stages of the manufacture, rise only in arithmetical proportion to
this rise of wages. But if the profits of all the different employers of
those working people should be raised five per cent. that part of the price
of the commodity which resolved itself into profit would, through all the
different stages of the manufacture, rise in geometrical proportion to this
rise of profit. The employer of the flax dressers would, in selling his
flax, require an additional five per cent. upon the whole value of the
materials and wages which he advanced to his workmen. The employer of the
spinners would require an additional five per cent. both upon the advanced
price of the flax, and upon the wages of the spinners. And the employer of
the weavers would require alike five per cent. both upon the advanced price
of the linen-yarn, and upon the wages of the weavers. In raising the price of
commodities, the rise of wages operates in the same manner as simple
interest does in the accumulation of debt. The rise of profit operates like
compound interest. Our merchants and master manufacturers complain much of
the bad effects of high wages in raising the price, and thereby lessening
the sale of their goods, both at home and abroad. They say nothing
concerning the bad effects of high profits ; they are silent with regard to
the pernicious effects of their own gains; they complain only of those of
other people.

Adam Smith

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