Subscribe for ad free access & additional features for teachers. Authors: 267, Books: 3,607, Poems & Short Stories: 4,435, Forum Members: 71,154, Forum Posts: 1,238,602, Quizzes: 344

Chapter 4



The increase and riches of commercial and manufacturing towns contributed to
the improvement and cultivation of the countries to which they belonged, in
three different ways :

First, by affording a great and ready market for the rude produce of the
country, they gave encouragement to its cultivation and further improvement.
This benefit was not even confined to the countries in which they were
situated, but extended more or less to all those with which they had any
dealings. To all of them they afforded a market for some part either of
their rude or manufactured produce, and, consequently, gave some
encouragement to the industry and improvement of all. Their own country,
however, on account of its neighbourhood, necessarily derived the greatest
benefit from this market. Its rude produce being charged with less carriage,
the traders could pay the growers a better price for it, and yet afford it
as cheap to the consumers as that of more distant countries.

Secondly, the wealth acquired by the inhabitants of cities was frequently
employed in purchasing such lands as were to be sold, of which a great part
would frequently be uncultivated. Merchants are commonly ambitious of
becoming country gentlemen, and, when they do, they are generally the best
of all improvers. A merchant is accustomed to employ his money chiefly in
profitable projects ; whereas a mere country gentleman is accustomed to
employ it chiefly in expense. The one often sees his money go from him, and
return to him again with a profit; the other, when once he parts with it,
very seldom expects to see any more of it. Those different habits naturally
affect their temper and disposition in every sort of business. The merchant
is commonly a bold, a country gentleman a timid undertaker. The one is not
afraid to lay out at once a large capital upon the improvement of his land,
when he has a probable prospect of raising the value of it in proportion to
the expense ; the other, if he has any capital, which is not always the
case, seldom ventures to employ it in this manner. If he improves at all, it
is commonly not with a capital, but with what he can save out or his annual
revenue. Whoever has had the fortune to live in a mercantile town, situated
in an unimproved country, must have frequently observed how much more
spirited the operations of merchants were in this way, than those of mere
country gentlemen. The habits, besides, of order, economy, and attention, to
which mercantile business naturally forms a merchant, render him much fitter
to execute, with profit and success, any project of improvement.

Thirdly, and lastly, commerce and manufactures gradually introduced order
and good government, and with them the liberty and security of individuals,
among the inhabitants of the country, who had before lived almost in a
continual state of war with their neighbours, and of servile dependency upon
their superiors. This, though it has been the least observed, is by far the
most important of all their effects. Mr Hume is the only writer who, so far
as I know, has hitherto taken notice of it.

In a country which has neither foreign commerce nor any of the finer
manufactures, a great proprietor, having nothing for which he can exchange
the greater part of the produce of his lands which is over and above the
maintenance of the cultivators, consumes the whole in rustic hospitality at
home. If this surplus produce is sufficient to maintain a hundred or a
thousand men, he can make use of it in no other way than by maintaining a
hundred or a thousand men. He is at all times, therefore, surrounded with a
multitude of retainers and dependants, who, having no equivalent to give in
return for their maintenance, but being fed entirely by his bounty, must
obey him, for the same reason that soldiers must obey the prince who pays
them. Before the extension of commerce and manufactures in Europe, the
hospitality of the rich and the great, from the sovereign down to the
smallest baron, exceeded every thing which, in the present times, we can
easily form a notion of Westminster-hall was the dining-room of William
Rufus, and might frequently, perhaps, not be too large for his company. It
was reckoned a piece of magnificence in Thomas Becket, that he strewed the
floor of his hall with clean hay or rushes in the season, in order that the
knights and squires, who could not get seats, might not spoil their fine
clothes when they sat down on the floor to eat their dinner. The great Earl
of Warwick is said to have entertained every day, at his different manors,
30,000 people ; and though the number here may have been exaggerated, it
must, however, have been very great to admit of such exaggeration. A
hospitality nearly of the same kind was exercised not many years ago in many
different parts of the Highlands of Scotland. It seems to be common in all
nations to whom commerce and manufactures are little known. I have seen,
says Doctor Pocock, an Arabian chief dine in the streets of a town where he
had come to sell his cattle, and invite all passengers, even common
beggars, to sit down with him and partake of his banquet.

The occupiers of land were in every respect as dependent upon the great
proprietor as his retainers. Even such of them as were not in a state of
villanage, were tenants at will, who paid a rent in no respect equivalent to
the subsistence which the land afforded them. A crown, half a crown, a
sheep, a lamb, was some years ago, in the Highlands of Scotland, a common
rent for lands which maintained a family. In some places it is so at this
day; nor will money at present purchase a greater quantity of commodities
there than in other places. In a country where the surplus produce of a
large estate must be consumed upon the estate itself, it will frequently be
more convenient for the proprietor, that part of it be consumed at a
distance from his own house, provided they who consume it are as dependent
upon him as either his retainers or his menial servants. He is thereby saved
from the embarrassment of either too large a company, or too large a family.
A tenant at will, who possesses land sufficient to maintain his family for
little more than a quit-rent, is as dependent upon the proprietor as any
servant or retainer whatever, and must obey him with as little reserve. Such
a proprietor, as he feeds his servants and retainers at his own house, so he
feeds his tenants at their houses. The subsistence of both is derived from
his bounty, and its continuance depends upon his good pleasure.

Upon the authority which the great proprietors necessarily had, in such a
state of things, over their tenants and retainers, was founded the power of
the ancient barons. They necessarily became the judges in peace, and the
leaders in war, of all who dwelt upon their estates. They could maintain
order, and execute the law, within their respective demesnes, because each
of them could there turn the whole force of all the inhabitants against the
injustice of anyone. No other person had sufficient authority to do this.
The king, in particular, had not. In those ancient times, he was little more
than the greatest proprietor in his dominions, to whom, for the sake of
common defence against their common enemies, the other great proprietors
paid certain respects. To have enforced payment of a small debt within the
lands of a great proprietor, where all the inhabitants were armed, and
accustomed to stand by one another, would have cost the king, had he
attempted it by his own authority, almost the same effort as to extinguish a
civil war. He was, therefore, obliged to abandon the administration of
justice, through the greater part of the country, to those who were capable
of administering it; and, for the same reason, to leave the command of the
country militia to those whom that militia would obey.

It is a mistake to imagine that those territorial jurisdictions took their
origin from the feudal law. Not only the highest jurisdictions, both civil
and criminal, but the power of levying troops, of coining money, and even
that of making bye-laws for the government of their own people, were all
rights possessed allodially by the great proprietors of land, several
centuries before even the name of the feudal law was known in Europe. The
authority and jurisdiction of the Saxon lords in England appear to have been
as great before the Conquest as that of any of the Norman lords after it.
But the feudal law is not supposed to have become the common law of England
till after the Conquest. That the most extensive authority and jurisdictions
were possessed by the great lords in France allodially, long before the
feudal law was introduced into that country, is a matter of fact that admits
of no doubt. That authority, and those jurisdictions, all necessarily flowed
from the state of property and manners just now described. Without
remounting to the remote antiquities of either the French or English
monarchies, we may find, in much later times, many proofs that such effects
must always flow from such causes. It is not thirty years ago since Mr
Cameron of Lochiel, a gentleman of Lochaber in Scotland, without any legal
warrant whatever, not being what was then called a lord of regality, nor
even a tenant in chief, but a vassal of the Duke of Argyll, and with out
being so much as a justice of peace, used, notwithstanding, to exercise the
highest criminal jurisdictions over his own people. He is said to have done
so with great equity, though without any of the formalities of justice; and
it is not improbable that the state of that part of the country at that time
made it necessary for him to assume this authority, in order to maintain the
public peace. That gentleman, whose rent never exceeded 500 a-year,
carried, in 1745, 800 of his own people into the rebellion with him.

The introduction of the feudal law, so far from extending, may be regarded
as an attempt to moderate, the authority of the great allodial lords. It
established a regular subordination, accompanied with a long train of
services and duties, from the king down to the smallest proprietor. During
the minority of the proprietor, the rent, together with the management of
his lands, fell into the hands of his immediate superior ; and,
consequently, those of all great proprietors into the hands of the king, who
was charged with the maintenance and education of the pupil, and who, from
his authority as guardian, was supposed to have a right of disposing of him
in marriage, provided it was in a manner not unsuitable to his rank. But
though this institution necessarily tended to strengthen the authority of
the king, and to weaken that of the great proprietors, it could not do
either sufficiently for establishing order and good government among the
inhabitants of the country; because it could not alter sufficiently that
state of property and manners from which the disorders arose. The authority
of government still continued to be, as before, too weak in the head, and
too strong in the inferior members; and the excessive strength of the
inferior members was the cause of the weakness of the head. After the
institution of feudal subordination, the king was as incapable of
restraining the violence of the great lords as before. They still continued
to make war according to their own discretion, almost continually upon one
another, and very frequently upon the king; and the open country still
continued to be a scene of violence, rapine, and disorder.

But what all the violence of the feudal institutions could never have
effected, the silent and insensible operation of foreign commerce and
manufactures gradually brought about. These gradually furnished the great
proprietors with something for which they could exchange the whole surplus
produce of their lands, and which they could consume themselves. without
sharing it either with tenants or retainers. All for ourselves, and nothing
for other people, seems, in every age of the world, to have been the vile
maxim of the masters of mankind. As soon, therefore, as they could find a
method of consuming the whole value of their rents themselves, they had no
disposition to share them with any other persons. For a pair of diamond
buckles, perhaps, or for something as frivolous and useless, they exchanged
the maintenance, or, what is the same thing, the price of the maintenance of
1000 men for a year, and with it the whole weight and authority which it
could give them. The buckles, however, were to be all their own, and no
other human creature was to have any share of them; whereas, in the more
ancient method of expense, they must have shared with at least 1000 people.
With the judges that were to determine the preference, this difference was
perfectly decisive; and thus, for the gratification of the most childish,
the meanest, and the most sordid of all vanities they gradually bartered
their whole power and authority.

In a country where there is no foreign commerce, nor any of the finer
manufactures, a man of 10,000 a-year cannot well employ his revenue in any
other way than in maintaining, perhaps, 1000 families, who are all of them
necessarily at his command. In the present state of Europe, a man of 10,000
a-year can spend his whole revenue, and he generally does so, without
directly maintaining twenty people, or being able to command more than ten
footmen, not worth the commanding. Indirectly, perhaps, he maintains as
great, or even a greater number of people, than he could have done by the
ancient method of expense. For though the quantity of precious productions
for which he exchanges his whole revenue be very small, the number of
workmen employed in collecting and preparing it must necessarily have been
very great. Its great price generally arises from the wages of their labour,
and the profits of all their immediate employers. By paying that price, he
indirectly pays all those wages and profits, and thus indirectly contributes
to the maintenance of all the workmen and their employers. He generally
contributes, however, but a very small proportion to that of each; to a very
few, perhaps, not a tenth, to many not a hundredth, and to some not a
thousandth, or even a ten thousandth part of their whole annual maintenance.
Though he contributes, therefore, to the maintenance of them all, they are
all more or less independent of him, because generally they can all be
maintained without him.

When the great proprietors of land spend their rents in maintaining their
tenants and retainers, each of them maintains entirely all his own tenants
and all his own retainers. But when they spend them in maintaining tradesmen
and artificers, they may, all of them taken together, perhaps maintain as
great, or, on account of the waste which attends rustic hospitality, a
greater number of people than before. Each of them, however, taken singly,
contributes often but a very small share to the maintenance of any
individual of this greater number. Each tradesman or artificer derives his
subsistence from the employment, not of one, but of a hundred or a thousand
different customers. Though in some measure obliged to them all, therefore,
he is not absolutely dependent upon any one of them.

The personal expense of the great proprietors having in this manner
gradually increased, it was impossible that the number of their retainers
should not as gradually diminish, till they were at last dismissed
altogether. The same cause gradually led them to dismiss the unnecessary
part of their tenants. Farms were enlarged, and the occupiers of land, not.
withstanding the complaints of depopulation, reduced to the number necessary
for cultivating it, according to the imperfect state of cultivation and
improvement in those times. By the removal of the unnecessary mouths, and by
exacting from the farmer the full value of the farm, a greater surplus, or,
what is the same thing, the price of a greater surplus, was obtained for the
proprietor, which the merchants and manufacturers soon furnished him with a
method of spending upon his own person, in the same manner as he had done
the rest. The cause continuing to operate, he was desirous to raise his
rents above what his lands, in the actual state of their improvement, could
afford. His tenants could agree to this upon one condition only, that they
should be secured in their possession for such a term of years as might give
them time to recover, with profit, whatever they should lay not in the
further improvement of the land. The expensive vanity of the landlord made
him willing to accept of this condition ; and hence the origin of long

Even a tenant at will, who pays the full value of the land, is not
altogether dependent upon the landlord. The pecuniary advantages which they
receive from one another are mutual and equal, and such a tenant will expose
neither his life nor his fortune in the service of the proprietor. But if he
has a lease for along term of years, he is altogether independent; and his
landlord must not expect from him even the most trifling service, beyond
what is either expressly stipulated in the lease, or imposed upon him by the
common and known law of the country.

The tenants having in this manner become independent, and the retainers
being dismissed, the great proprietors were no longer capable of
interrupting the regular execution of justice, or of disturbing the peace of
the country. Having sold their birth-right, not like Esau, for a mess of
pottage in time of hunger and necessity, but, in the wantonness of plenty,
for trinkets and baubles, fitter to be the playthings of children than the
serious pursuits of men, they became as insignificant as any substantial
burgher or tradesmen in a city. A regular government was established in the
country as well as in the city, nobody having sufficient power to disturb
its operations in the one, any more than in the other.

It does not, perhaps, relate to the present subject, but I cannot help
remarking it, that very old families, such as have possessed some
considerable estate from father to son for many successive generations, are
very rare in commercial countries. In countries which have little commerce,
on the contrary, such as Wales, or the Highlands of Scotland, they are very
common. The Arabian histories seem to be all full of genealogies; and there
is a history written by a Tartar Khan, which has been translated into
several European languages, and which contains scarce any thing else; a
proof that ancient families are very common among those nations. In
countries where a rich man can spend his revenue in no other way than by
maintaining as many people as it can maintain, he is apt to run out, and his
benevolence, it seems, is seldom so violent as to attempt to maintain more
than he can afford. But where he can spend the greatest revenue upon his own
person, he frequently has no bounds to his expense, because he frequently
has no bounds to his vanity, or to his affection for his own person. In
commercial countries, therefore, riches, in spite of the most violent
regulations of law to prevent their dissipation, very seldom remain long in
the same family. Among simple nations, on the contrary, they frequently do,
without any regulations of law ; for among nations of shepherds, such as the
Tartars and Arabs, the consumable nature of their property necessarily
renders all such regulations impossible.

A revolution of the greatest importance to the public happiness, was in this
manner brought about by two different orders of people, who had not the
least intention to serve the public. To gratify the most childish vanity was
the sole motive of the great proprietors. The merchants and artificers, much
less ridiculous, acted merely from a view to their own interest, and in
pursuit of their own pedlar principle of turning a penny wherever a penny
was to be got. Neither of them had either knowledge or foresight of that
great revolution which the folly of the one, and the industry of the other,
was gradually bringing about.

It was thus, that, through the greater part of Europe, the commerce and
manufactures of cities, instead of being the effect, have been the cause and
occasion of the improvement and cultivation of the country.

This order, however, being contrary to the natural course of things, is
necessarily both slow and uncertain. Compare the slow progress of those
European countries of which the wealth depends very much upon their commerce
and manufactures, with the rapid advances of our North American colonies, of
which the wealth is founded altogether in agriculture. Through the greater
part of Europe, the number of inhabitants is not supposed to double in less
than five hundred years. In several of our North American colonies, it is
found to double in twenty or five-and-twenty years. In Europe, the law of
primogeniture, and perpetuities of different kinds, prevent the division of
great estates, and thereby hinder the multiplication of small proprietors. A
small proprietor, however, who knows every part of his little territory,
views it with all the affection which property, especially small property,
naturally inspires, and who upon that account takes pleasure, not only in
cultivating, but in adorning it, is generally of all improvers the most
industrious, the most intelligent, and the most successful. The same
regulations, besides, keep so much land out of the market, that there are
always more capitals to buy than there is land to sell, so that what is sold
always sells at a monopoly price. The rent never pays the interest of the
purchase-money, and is, besides, burdened with repairs and other occasional
charges, to which the interest of money is not liable. To purchase land, is,
everywhere in Europe, a most unprofitable employment of a small capital. For
the sake of the superior security, indeed, a man of moderate circumstances,
when he retires from business, will sometimes choose to lay out his little
capital in land. A man of profession, too whose revenue is derived from
another source often loves to secure his savings in the same way. But a
young man, who, instead of applying to trade or to some profession, should
employ a capital of two or three thousand pounds in the purchase and
cultivation of a small piece of land, might indeed expect to live very
happily and very independently, but must bid adieu for ever to all hope of
either great fortune or great illustration, which, by a different employment
of his stock, he might have had the same chance of acquiring with other
people. Such a person, too, though he cannot aspire at being a proprietor,
will often disdain to be a farmer. The small quantity of land, therefore,
which is brought to market, and the high price of what is brought thither,
prevents a great number of capitals from being employed in its cultivation
and improvement, which would otherwise have taken that direction. In North
America, on the contrary, fifty or sixty pounds is often found a sufficient
stock to begin a plantation with. The purchase and improvement of
uncultivated land is there the most profitable employment of the smallest as
well as of the greatest capitals, and the most direct road to all the
fortune and illustration which can be required in that country. Such land,
indeed, is in North America to be had almost for nothing, or at a price much
below the value of the natural produce; a thing impossible in Europe, or
indeed in any country where all lands have long been private property. If
landed estates, however, were divided equally among all the children, upon
the death of any proprietor who left a numerous family, the estate would
generally be sold. So much land would come to market, that it could no
longer sell at a monopoly price. The free rent of the land would go no
nearer to pay the interest of the purchase-money, and a small capital might
be employed in purchasing land as profitable as in any other way.

England, on account of the natural fertility of the soil, of the great
extent of the sea-coast in proportion to that of the whole country, and of
the many navigable rivers which run through it, and afford the conveniency
of water carriage to some of the most inland parts of it, is perhaps as well
fitted by nature as any large country in Europe to be the seat of foreign
commerce, of manufactures for distant sale, and of all the improvements
which these can occasion. From the beginning of the reign of Elizabeth, too,
the English legislature has been peculiarly attentive to the interest of
commerce and manufactures, and in reality there is no country in Europe,
Holland itself not excepted, of which the law is, upon the whole, more
favourable to this sort of industry. Commerce and manufactures have
accordingly been continually advancing during all this period. The
cultivation and improvement of the country has, no doubt, been gradually
advancing too; but it seems to have followed slowly, and at a distance, the
more rapid progress of commerce and manufactures. The greater part of the
country must probably have been cultivated before the reign of Elizabeth;
and a very great part of it still remains uncultivated, and the
cultivation of the far greater part much inferior to what it might be, The
law of England, however, favours agriculture, not only indirectly, by the
protection of commerce, but by several direct encouragements. Except in
times of scarcity, the exportation of corn is not only free, but encouraged
by a bounty. In times of moderate plenty, the importation of foreign corn is
loaded with duties that amount to a prohibition. The importation of live
cattle, except from Ireland, is prohibited at all times ; and it is but of
late that it was permitted from thence. Those who cultivate the land,
therefore, have a monopoly against their countrymen for the two greatest and
most important articles of land produce, bread and butcher's meat. These
encouragements, although at bottom, perhaps, as I shall endeavour to show
hereafter, altogether illusory, sufficiently demonstrate at least the good
intention of the legislature to favour agriculture. But what is of much more
importance than all of them, the yeomanry of England are rendered as secure
, as independent, and as respectable, as law can make them. No country,
therefore, which the right of primogeniture takes place, which pays tithes,
and where perpetuities, though contrary to the spirit of the law, are
admitted in some cases, can give more encouragement to agriculture than
England. Such, however, notwithstanding, is the state of its cultivation.
What would it have been, had the law given no direct encouragement to
agriculture besides what arises indirectly from the progress of commerce,
and had left the yeomanry in the same condition as in most other countries
of Europe ? It is now more than two hundred years since the beginning of the
reign of Elizabeth, a period as long as the course of human prosperity
usually endures.

France seems to have had a considerable share of foreign commerce, near a
century before England was distinguished as a commercial country. The marine
of France was considerable, according to the notions of the times, before
the expedition of Charles VIII. to Naples. The cultivation and improvement
of France, however, is, upon the whole, inferior to that of England. The law
of the country has never given the same direct encouragement to agriculture.

The foreign commerce of Spain and Portual to the other parts of Europe,
though chiefly carried on in foreign ships, is very considerable. That to
their colonies is carried on in their own, and is much greater, on account
of the great riches and extent of those colonies. But it has never
introduced any considerable manufactures for distant sale into either of
those countries, and the greater part of both still remains uncultivated.
The foreign commerce of Portugal is of older standing than that of any great
country in Europe, except Italy.

Italy is the only great country of Europe which seems to have been
cultivated and improved in every part, by means of foreign commerce and
manufactures for distant sale. Before the invasion of Charles VIII., Italy,
according to Guicciardini, was cultivated not less in the most mountainous
and barren parts of the country, than in the plainest and most fertile. The
advantageous situation of the country, and the great number of independent
status which at that time subsisted in it, probably contributed not a little
to this general cultivation. It is not impossible, too, notwithstanding this
general expression of one of the most judicious and reserved of modern
historians, that Italy was not at that time better cultivated than England
is at present.

The capital, however, that is acquired to any country by commerce and
manufactures, is always a very precarious and uncertain possession, till
some part of it has been secured and realized in the cultivation and
improvement of its lands. A merchant, it has been said very properly, is not
necessarily the citizen of any particular country. It is in a great measure
indifferent to him from what place he carries on his trade ; and a very
trifling disgust will make him remove his capital, and, together with it,
all the industry which it supports, from one country to another. No part of
it can be said to belong to any particular country, till it has been spread,
as it were, over the face of that country, either in buildings, or in the
lasting improvement of lands. No vestige now remains of the great wealth
said to have been possessed by the greater part of the Hanse Towns, except
in the obscure histories of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. It is
even uncertain where some of them were situated, or to what towns in Europe
the Latin names given to some of them belong. But though the misfortunes of
Italy, in the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth centuries,
greatly diminished the commerce and manufactures of the cities of Lombardy
and Tuscany, those countries still continue to be among the most populous
and best cultivated in Europe. The civil wars of Flanders, and the Spanish
government which succeeded them, chased away the great commerce of Antwerp,
Ghent, and Bruges. But Flanders still continues to be one of the richest,
best cultivated, and most populous provinces of Europe. The ordinary
revolutions of war and government easily dry up the sources of that wealth
which arises from commerce only. That which arises from the more solid
improvements of agriculture is much more durable, and cannot be destroyed
but by those more violent convulsions occasioned by the depredations of
hostile and barbarous nations continued for a century or two together ; such
as those that happened for some time before and after the fall of the Roman
empire in the western provinces of Europe.

Adam Smith

Sorry, no summary available yet.