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Chapter 7


Leaving Lagny, the Maid presented herself before Senlis, with her own company and with the fighting men of the French nobles whom she had joined, in all some thousand horse. And for this force she demanded entrance into the town. No misfortune was more feared by burgesses than that of receiving men-at-arms, and no privilege more jealously guarded than that of keeping them outside the walls. King Charles had experienced it during the peaceful coronation campaign. The folk of Senlis made answer to the Maid that, seeing the poverty of the town in forage, corn, oats, victuals and wine, they offered her an entrance with thirty or forty of the most notable of her company and no more.[1976]

[Footnote 1976: Arch. mun. of Senlis in Musé des archives départementales, pp. 304, 305. J. Flammermont, Histoire de Senlis pendant la seconds partie de la guerre de cent ans, p. 245. Perceval de Cagny, p. 173. Morosini, vol. iii, p. 294, note 5.]

It is said that from Senlis Jeanne went to the Castle of Borenglise in the parish of Elincourt, between Compiègne and Ressons; and, in ignorance as to what can have taken her there, it is supposed that she made a pilgrimage to the Church of Elincourt, which was dedicated to Saint Margaret; and it is possible that she wished to worship Saint Margaret there as she had worshipped Saint Catherine at Fierbois, in order to do honour to one of those heavenly ladies who visited her every day and every hour.[1977]

[Footnote 1977: Manuscript History of Beauvais by Hermant, in Trial, vol. v, p. 165. G. Lecocq, Étude historique sur le séjour de Jeanne d'Arc à Elincourt-Sainte-Marguerite, Amiens, 1879, in 8vo, 13 pages. A. Peyrecave, Notes sur le séjour de Jeanne d'Arc à Elincourt-Sainte-Marguerite, Paris, 1875, in 8vo. Elincourt-Sainte-Marguerite, notice historique et archéologique, Compiègne, 1888. Ch. vii, pp. 113, 123.]

In those days, in the town of Angers, was a licentiate of laws, canon of the churches of Tours and Angers and Dean of Saint-Jean d'Angers. Less than ten days before Jeanne's coming to Sainte-Marguerite d'Elincourt, on April 18, about nine o'clock in the evening, he felt a pain in the head, which lasted until four o'clock in the morning, and was so severe that he thought he must die. He prayed to Saint Catherine, for whom he professed a special devotion, and straightway was cured. In thankfulness for so great a grace, he wended on foot to the sanctuary of Saint Catherine of Fierbois; and there, on Friday, the 5th of May, in a loud voice, said a mass for the King, for "the Maid divinely worthy," and for the peace and prosperity of the realm.[1978]

[Footnote 1978: Trial, vol. v, pp. 164, 165. Les miracles de Madame Sainte Katerine de Fierboys, pp. 16, 62, 63.]

The Council of King Charles had made over Pont-Sainte-Maxence to the Duke of Burgundy, in lieu of Compiègne, which they were unable to deliver to him since that town absolutely refused to be delivered, and remained the King's despite the King. The Duke of Burgundy kept Pont-Sainte-Maxence which had been granted him and resolved to take Compiègne.[1979]

[Footnote 1979: P. Champion, Guillaume de Flavy. Proofs and illustrations, pp. 150, 154. Morosini, vol. iii, p. 276, note 3. Note concerning G. de Flavy, in Trial, vol. v, p. 176.]

On the 17th of April, when the truce had expired, he took the field with a goodly knighthood and a powerful army, four thousand Burgundians, Picards and Flemings, and fifteen hundred English, commanded by Jean de Luxembourg, Count of Ligny.[1980]

[Footnote 1980: Monstrelet, ch. xxx. Note concerning G. de Flavy, in Trial, vol. v, p. 175. P. Champion, Guillaume de Flavy. Proofs and illustrations, xliv, xlv.]

Noble pieces of artillery did the Duke bring to that siege; notably, Remeswelle, Rouge Bombarde and Houppembière, from all three of which were fired stone balls of enormous size. Mortars, which the Duke had brought and paid ready money for to Messire Jean de Luxembourg, were brought likewise; Beaurevoir and Bourgogne, also a great "coullard" and a movable engine of war. The vast states of Burgundy sent their archers and cross-bowmen to Compiègne. The Duke provided himself with bows from Prussia and from Caffa in Georgia,[1981] and with arrows barbed and unbarbed. He engaged sappers and miners to lay powder mines round the town and to throw Greek fire into it. In short my Lord Philip, richer than a king, the most magnificent lord in Christendom and skilled in all the arts of knighthood, was resolved to make a gallant siege.[1982]

[Footnote 1981: "In this country the Emperor [of Constantinople] has a city called Capha, which is a seaport belonging to the Genoese and whence is obtained wood for the making of bows and cross-bows, likewise wine called Rommenie." Le Livre de description des pays de Gilles le Bouvier. Ed. E.T. Hamy, Paris, 1908, p. 90.]

[Footnote 1982: De La Fons-Mélicocq, Documents inédits sur le siège de Compiègne de 1430 in La Picardie, vol. iii, 1857, pp. 22, 23. P. Champion, Guillaume de Flavy. Proofs and illustrations, p. 176.]

The town, then one of the largest and strongest in France, was defended by a garrison of between four and five hundred men,[1983] commanded by Guillaume de Flavy. Scion of a noble house of that province, forever in dispute with the nobles his neighbours, and perpetually picking quarrels with the poor folk, he was as wicked and cruel as any Armagnac baron.[1984] The citizens would have no other captain, and in that office they maintained him in defiance of King Charles and his chamberlains. They did wisely, for none was better able to defend the town than my Lord Guillaume, none was more set on doing his duty. When the King of France had commanded him to deliver the place he had refused point-blank; and when later the Duke promised him a good round sum and a rich inheritance in exchange for Compiègne, he made answer that the town was not his, but the King's.[1985]

[Footnote 1983: Lefèvre de Saint-Rémy, vol. ii, p. 178. H. de Lépinois, Notes extraites des archives communales de Compiègne, in Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes, 1863, vol. xxiv, p. 486. A. Sorel, La prise de Jeanne d'Arc devant Compiègne et l'histoire des sièges de la même ville sous Charles VI et Charles VII, d'après des documents inédits avec vues et plans, Paris, 1889, in 8vo, p. 268.]

[Footnote 1984: Jacques Duclercq, Mémoires, ed. Reiffenberg, vol. i, p. 419. Le Temple de Bocace in Les oeuvres de Georges Chastellain, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, vol. vii, p. 95. P. Champion, Guillaume de Flavy, capitaine de Compiègne, contribution à l'histoire de Jeanne d'Arc et à l'étude de la vie militaire et privée au XV'ième siècle, Paris, 1906, in 8vo, passim.]

[Footnote 1985: Jean Chartier, Chronique, vol. i, p. 125. Chronique des cordeliers, fol. 495 recto. Rogier, in Varin, Arch. de la ville de Reims, 11th part, Statuts, vol. i, p. 604. A. Sorel, loc. cit., p. 167. P. Champion, loc. cit., p. 33.]

The Duke of Burgundy easily took Gournay-sur-Aronde, and then laid siege to Choisy-sur-Aisne, also called Choisy-au-Bac, at the junction of the Aisne and the Oise.[1986]

[Footnote 1986: Monstrelet, vol. iv, pp. 379, 381. Chronique des cordeliers, fol. 495 recto. Livre des trahisons, p. 202.]

The Gascon squire, Poton de Saintrailles and the men of his company crossed the Aisne between Soissons and Choisy, surprised the besiegers, and retired immediately, taking with them sundry prisoners.[1987]

[Footnote 1987: Monstrelet, vol. iv, pp. 382, 383. Berry, in Trial, vol. iv, p. 49.]

On the 13th of May, the Maid entered Compiègne, where she lodged in the Rue de l'Etoile.[1988] On the morrow, the Attorneys[1989] offered her four pots of wine.[1990] They thereby intended to do her great honour, for they did no more for the Lord Archbishop of Reims, Chancellor of the realm, who was then in the town with the Count of Vendôme, the King's lieutenant and divers other leaders of war. These noble lords resolved to send artillery and other munitions to the Castle of Choisy, which could not hold out much longer;[1991] and now, as before, the Maid was made use of.

[Footnote 1988: According to a note by Dom Bertheau, in A. Sorel, Séjours de Jeanne d'Arc à Compiègne, maisons où elle a logé en 1429 et 1430, with view and plans, Paris, 1888, in 8vo, pp. 11, 12.]

[Footnote 1989: Magistrates of the town. Cf. ante, p. 34, note 3.]

[Footnote 1990: Accounts of the town of Compiègne, CC 13, folio 291. Dom Gillesson, Antiquités de Compiègne, vol. v, p. 95. A. Sorel, La prise de Jeanne d'Arc, p. 145, note 3.]

[Footnote 1991: Choisy surrendered on the 16th of May. Chronique des cordeliers, fol. 497, verso. Livre des trahisons, p. 201. Monstrelet, vol. iv, p. 382. Berry, in Trial, vol. iv, p. 49. A. Sorel, La prise de Jeanne d'Arc, pp. 145, 146. P. Champion, Guillaume de Flavy, pp. 40-41, 162-163.]

The army marched towards Soissons in order to cross the Aisne.[1992] The captain of the town was a squire of Picardy, called by the French Guichard Bournel, by the Burgundians Guichard de Thiembronne; he had served on both sides. Jeanne knew him well; he reminded her of a painful incident. He had been one of those, who finding her wounded in the trenches before Paris, had insisted on putting her on her horse against her will. On the approach of King Charles's barons and men-at-arms, Captain Guichard made the folk of Soissons believe that the whole army was coming to encamp in their town. Wherefore they resolved not to receive them. Then happened what had already befallen at Senlis: Captain Bournel received the Lord Archbishop of Reims, the Count of Vendôme and the Maid, with a small company, and the rest of the army abode that night outside the walls.[1993] On the morrow, failing to obtain command of the bridge, they endeavoured to ford the river, but without success; for it was spring and the waters were high. The army had to turn back. When it was gone, Captain Bournel sold to the Duke of Burgundy the city he was charged to hold for the King of France; and he delivered it into the hand of Messire Jean de Luxembourg for four thousand golden saluts.[1994]

[Footnote 1992: Berry, in Trial, vol. iv, pp. 49, 50.]

[Footnote 1993: F. Brun, Jeanne d'Arc et le capitaine de Soissons en 1430, Soissons, 1904, p. 5 (extract from l'Argus Soissonnais). P. Champion, loc. cit., p. 41.]

[Footnote 1994: Berry, in Trial, vol. iv, p. 50. P. Champion, loc. cit., p. 168. Proofs and illustrations, xxxv, p. 168. F. Brun, Nouvelles recherches sur le fait de Soissons (Jeanne d'Arc et Bournel en 1430) à propos d'un livre récent, Meulan, 1907, in 8vo.]

At the tidings of this treacherous and dishonourable action on the part of the Captain of Soissons, Jeanne cried out that if she had him, she would cut his body into four pieces, which was no empty imagining of her wrath. As the penalty of certain crimes it was the custom for the executioner, after he had beheaded the condemned, to cut his body in four pieces, which was called quartering. So that it was as if Jeanne had said that the traitor deserved quartering. The words sounded hard to Burgundian ears; certain even believed that they heard Jeanne in her wrath taking God's name in vain. They did not hear correctly. Never had Jeanne taken the name of God or of any of his saints in vain. Far from swearing when she was angered, she used to exclaim: "God's good will!" or "Saint John!" or "By Our Lady!"[1995]

[Footnote 1995: Trial, vol. i, p. 273.]

Before Soissons, Jeanne and the generals separated. The latter with their men-at-arms went to Senlis and the banks of the Marne. The country between the Aisne and the Oise was no longer capable of supporting so large a number of men or such important personages. Jeanne and her company wended their way back to Compiègne.[1996] Scarcely had she entered the town when she sallied forth to ravage the neighbourhood.

[Footnote 1996: I have rejected the story told by Alain Bouchard of Jeanne's meeting with the little children in the Church of Saint Jacques. (Les grandes croniques de Bretaigne, Paris, Galliot Du Pré, 1514, fol. cclxxxi.) M. Pierre Champion (Guillaume de Flavy, p. 283) has irrefutably demonstrated its unauthenticity.]

For example, she took part in an expedition against Pont-l'Evêque, a stronghold, some distance from Noyon, occupied by a small English garrison, commanded by Lord Montgomery.

The Burgundians, who were besieging Compiègne, made Pont-l'Evêque their base. In the middle of May, the French numbering about a thousand, commanded by Captain Poton, by Messire Jacques de Chabannes and divers others, and accompanied by the Maid, attacked the English under Lord Montgomery, and the battle was passing fierce. But the enemy, being relieved by the Burgundians of Noyon, the French must needs beat a retreat. They had slain thirty of their adversaries and had lost as many, wherefore the combat was held to have been right sanguinary.[1997] There was no longer any question of crossing the Aisne and saving Choisy.

[Footnote 1997: Monstrelet, vol. iv, p. 382. Lefèvre de Saint-Rémy, vol. ii, p. 178. Chronique des cordeliers, fol. 498 verso.]

After returning to Compiègne, Jeanne, who never rested for a moment, hastened to Crépy-en-Valois, where were gathering the troops intended for the defence of Compiègne. Then, with these troops, she marched through the Forest of Guise, to the besieged town and entered it on the 23rd, at daybreak, without having encountered any Burgundians. There were none in the neighbourhood of the Forest, on the left bank of the Oise.[1998]

[Footnote 1998: Trial, vol. i, p. 114. Perceval de Cagny, p. 174. Extract from a note concerning G. de Flavy, in Trial, vol. v, p. 176. Morosini, vol. iii, p. 296, note 1.]

They were all on the other side of the river. There meadowland extends for some three-quarters of a mile, while beyond rises the slope of Picardy. Because this meadow was low, damp and frequently flooded, a causeway had been built leading from the bridge to the village of Margny, which rose on the steep slope of the hill. Some two miles up the river there towered the belfry of Clairoix, at the junction of the Aronde and the Oise. On the opposite bank rose the belfry of Venette, about a mile and a quarter lower down, towards Pont-Sainte-Maxence.[1999]

[Footnote 1999: Manuscript map of Compiègne in 1509, in Debout, Jeanne d'Arc, vol. ii, p. 293. Plan of the town of Compiègne, engraved by Aveline in the 17th century, reduction published by La Société historique de Compiègne, May, 1877. Lambert de Ballyhier, Compiègne historique et monumental, 1842, 2 vols. in 8vo, engravings. Plan of the restitution of the town of Compiègne in 1430, in A. Sorel, La prise de Jeanne d'Arc. P. Champion, Guillaume de Flavy, p. 43.]

A little band of Burgundians commanded by a knight, Messire Baudot de Noyelles, occupied the high ground of the village of Margny. Most renowned among the men of war of the Burgundian party was Messire Jean de Luxembourg. He with his Picards was posted at Clairoix, on the banks of the Aronde, at the foot of Mount Ganelon. The five hundred English of Lord Montgomery watched the Oise at Venette. Duke Philip occupied Coudun, a good two and a half miles from the town, towards Picardy.[2000] Such dispositions were in accordance with the precepts of the most experienced captains. It was their rule that when besieging a fortified town a large number of men-at-arms should never be concentrated in one spot, in one camp, as they said. In case of a sudden attack, it was thought that a large company, if it has but one base, will be surprised and routed just as easily as a lesser number, and the disaster will be grievous. Wherefore it is better to divide the besiegers into small companies and to place them not far apart, in order that they may aid one another. In this wise, when those of one body are discomfited those of another have time to put themselves in battle array for their succour. While the assailants are sore aghast at seeing fresh troops come down upon them, those who are being attacked take heart of grace. At any rate such was the opinion of Messire Jean de Bueil.[2001]

[Footnote 2000: Monstrelet, vol. iv, pp. 383, 384.]

[Footnote 2001: Le Jouvencel, vol. ii, p. 196.]

That same day, the 23rd of May, towards five o'clock in the evening[2002] riding a fine dapple-grey horse, Jeanne sallied forth, across the bridge, on to the causeway over the meadow. With her were her standard-bearer and her company of Lombards, Captain Baretta and his three or four hundred men, both horse and foot, who had entered Compiègne by night. She was girt with the Burgundian sword, found at Lagny, and over her armour she wore a surcoat of cloth of gold.[2003] Such attire would have better beseemed a parade than a sortie; but in the simplicity of her rustic and religious soul she loved all the pompous show of chivalry.

[Footnote 2002: Trial, vol. i, p. 116. Letter from Philippe le Bon to the inhabitants of Saint-Quentin, Trial, vol. v, p. 166. Letter from Philippe le Bon to Amédée, Duke of Savoy in P. Champion, loc. cit. Proofs and illustrations, xxxvii. Falconbridge, in Trial, vol. iv, p. 458. William Worcester, in Trial, vol. iv, p. 475, and Le Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris, p. 255.]

[Footnote 2003: Trial, vol. i, pp. 78, 223, 224. Chastellain, vol. ii, p. 49. The Clerk of the Brabant Chambre des Comptes, in Trial, vol. iv, p. 428.]

The enterprise had been concerted between Captain Baretta, the other leaders of the party and Messire Guillaume de Flavy. The last-named, in order to protect the line of retreat for the French, had posted archers, cross-bowmen, and cannoneers at the head of the bridge, while on the river he launched a number of small covered boats, intended if need were to bring back as many men as possible.[2004] Jeanne was not consulted in the matter; her advice was never asked. Without being told anything she was taken with the army as a bringer of good luck; she was exhibited to the enemy as a powerful enchantress, and they, especially if they were in mortal sin, feared lest she should cast a spell over them. Certain there were doubtless on both sides, who perceived that she did not greatly differ from other women;[2005] but they were folk who believed in nothing, and that manner of person is always outside public opinion.

[Footnote 2004: Notes concerning G. de Flavy, in Trial, vol. v, p. 177. Chronique de Tournai, in Recueil des Chroniques de Flandre, 1856, vol. iii, pp. 415, 416.]

[Footnote 2005: Chastellain, vol. ii, p. 49.]

This time she had not the remotest idea of what was to be done. With her head full of dreams, she imagined she was setting forth for some great and noble emprise. It is said that she had promised to discomfit the Burgundians and bring back Duke Philip prisoner. But there was no question of that; Captain Baretta and those who commanded the soldiers of fortune proposed to surprise and plunder the little Burgundian outpost, which was nearest the town and most accessible. That was Margny, and there on a steep hill, which might be reached in twenty or twenty-five minutes along the causeway, was stationed Messire Baudot de Noyelles. The attempt was worth making. The taking of outposts constituted the perquisites of men-at-arms. And, albeit the enemy's positions were very wisely chosen, the assailants if they proceeded with extreme swiftness had a chance of success. The Burgundians at Margny were very few. Having but lately arrived, they had erected neither bastion nor bulwark, and their only defences were the outbuildings of the village.

It was five o'clock in the afternoon when the French set out on the march. The days being at their longest, they did not depend on the darkness for success. In those times indeed, men-at-arms were chary of venturing much in the darkness. They deemed the night treacherous, capable of serving the fool's turn as well as the wise man's, and thus ran the saw: "Night never blushes at her deed."[2006]

[Footnote 2006: Le Jouvencel, vol. i, p. 91.]

Having climbed up to Margny, the assailants found the Burgundians scattered and unarmed. They took them by surprise; and the French set to work to strike here and there haphazard. The Maid, for her part, overthrew everything before her.

Now just at this time Sire Jean de Luxembourg and the Sire de Créquy had ridden over from their camp at Clairoix.[2007] Wearing no armour, and accompanied by eight or ten gentlemen-at-arms, they were climbing the Margny hill. They were on their way to visit Messire Baudot de Noyelles, and all unsuspecting, they were thinking to reconnoitre the defences of the town from this elevated spot, as the Earl of Salisbury had formerly done from Les Tourelles at Orléans. Having fallen into a regular skirmish, they sent to Clairoix in all haste for their arms and to summon their company, which would take a good half hour to reach the scene of battle. Meanwhile, all unarmed as they were, they joined Messire Baudot's little band, to help it to hold out against the enemy.[2008] Thus to surprise my Lord of Luxembourg might be a stroke of good luck and certainly could not be bad; for in any event the Margny men would have straightway summoned their comrades of Clairoix to their aid, as they did in very deed summon the English from Venette and the Burgundians from Coudun.

[Footnote 2007: Monstrelet, vol. iv, p. 387. Lefèvre de Saint-Rémy, vol. ii, p. 179. Chastellain, vol. ii, p. 48. Note concerning G. de Flavy, in Trial, vol. v, p. 176.]

[Footnote 2008: Letter from the Duke of Burgundy to the inhabitants of Saint-Quentin, in Trial, vol. v, p. 166. Monstrelet, Lefèvre de Saint-Rémy, Chastellain. Notes concerning G. de Flavy, loc. cit.]

Having stormed the camp and pillaged it, the assailants should in all haste have fallen back on the town with their booty; but they dallied at Margny, for what reason is not difficult to guess: that reason which so often transformed the robber into the robbed. The wearers of the white cross as well as those of the red, no matter what danger threatened them, never quitted a place as long as anything remained to be carried away.

If the mercenaries of Compiègne incurred peril by their greed, the Maid on her side by her valour and prowess ran much greater risk; never would she consent to leave a battle; she must be wounded, pierced with bolts and arrows, before she would give in.

Meanwhile, having recovered from so sudden an alarm, Messire Baudot's men armed as best they might and endeavoured to win back the village. Now they drove out the French, now they themselves were forced to retreat with great loss. The Seigneur de Créquy, among others, was sorely wounded in the face. But the hope of being reinforced gave them courage. The men of Clairoix appeared. Duke Philip himself came up with the band from Coudun. The French, outnumbered, abandoned Margny, and retreated slowly. It may be that their booty impeded their march. But suddenly espying the Godons from Venette advancing over the meadowland, they were seized with panic; to the cry of "Sauve qui peut!" they broke into one mad rush and in utter rout reached the bank of the Oise. Some threw themselves into boats, others crowded round the bulwark of the Bridge. Thus they attracted the very misfortune they feared. For the English followed so hard on the fugitives that the defenders on the ramparts dared not fire their cannon for fear of striking the French.[2009]

[Footnote 2009: Perceval de Cagny, p. 176. Falconbridge, in Trial, vol. iv, p. 458. Monstrelet. Note concerning G. de Flavy; Lefèvre de Saint-Rémy, Chastellain, loc. cit.]

The latter having forced the barrier of the bulwark, the English were about to enter on their heels, cross the bridge and pass into the town. The captain of Compiègne saw the danger and gave the command to close the town gate. The bridge was raised and the portcullis lowered.[2010]

[Footnote 2010: Note concerning G. de Flavy, loc. cit. Du Fresne de Beaucourt, Jeanne d'Arc et Guillaume de Flavy in Bulletin de la Société de l'Histoire de France, vol. iii, 1861, pp. 173 et seq. Z. Rendu, Jeanne d'Arc et G. de Flavy, Compiègne, 1865, in 8vo, 32 pp. A. Sorel, La prise de Jeanne d'Arc, p. 209. P. Champion, Guillaume de Flavy, appendix i, pp. 282, 286.]

In the meadow, Jeanne still laboured under the heroic delusion of victory. Surrounded by a little band of kinsmen and personal retainers, she was withstanding the Burgundians, and imagining that she would overthrow everything before her.

Her comrades shouted to her: "Strive to regain the town or we are lost."

But her eyes were dazzled by the splendour of angels and archangels, and she made answer: "Hold your peace; it will be your fault if we are discomfited. Think of nought but of attacking them."

And once again she uttered those words which were forever in her mouth: "Go forward! They are ours!"[2011]

[Footnote 2011: Perceval de Cagny, p. 175.]

Her men took her horse by the bridle and forced her to turn towards the town. It was too late; the bulwarks commanding the bridge could not be entered: the English held the head of the causeway. The Maid with her little band was penned into the corner between the side of the bulwark and the embankment of the road. Her assailants were men of Picardy, who, striking hard and driving away her protectors, succeeded in reaching her.[2012] A bowman pulled her by her cloak of cloth of gold and threw her to the ground. They all surrounded her and together cried:


[Footnote 2012: Perceval de Cagny, p. 175. Chastellain, vol. ii, p. 49. Jean Chartier, Chronique, vol. i, p. 122; vol. iii, p. 207. Quicherat, Aperçus nouveaux, p. 87.]

Urged to give her parole, she replied: "I have plighted my word to another, and I shall keep my oath."[2013]

[Footnote 2013: Perceval de Cagny, p. 176.]

One of those who pressed her said that he was of gentle birth. She surrendered to him.

He was an archer, by name Lyonnel, in the company of the Bastard of Wandomme. Deeming that his fortune was made, he appeared more joyful than if he had taken a king.[2014]

[Footnote 2014: Letter from the Duke of Burgundy in Trial, vol. v, p. 166. Perceval de Cagny, p. 175. Monstrelet, vol. iv, p. 400. Lefèvre de Saint-Rémy, p. 175. Chastellain, vol. ii, p. 49. Note concerning G. de Flavy, in Trial, vol. v, p. 174. Martial d'Auvergne, Vigiles, vol. i, p. 118. P. Champion, loc. cit., pp. 46, 49. Lanéry d'Arc, Livre d'Or, pp. 513-518.]

With the Maid was taken her brother, Pierre d'Arc, Jean d'Aulon, her steward, and Jean d'Aulon's brother, Poton, surnamed the Burgundian.[2015] According to the Burgundians, the French in this engagement lost four hundred fighting men, killed or drowned;[2016] but according to the French most of the foot soldiers were taken up by the boats which were moored near the bank of the Oise.[2017]

[Footnote 2015: Richer, Histoire manuscrite de la Pucelle, book iv, fol. 188 et seq. P. Champion, loc. cit. Proofs and illustrations, xxxiii. Monstrelet, vol. iv, p. 388. Note concerning G. de Flavy, loc. cit. Letter from the Duke of Burgundy to the inhabitants of Saint-Quentin, loc. cit. Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris, p. 255. Falconbridge, in Trial, vol. iv, p. 459.]

[Footnote 2016: According to Le Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris, p. 255, four hundred French were killed or drowned.]

[Footnote 2017: Note concerning G. de Flavy, in Trial, vol. v, p. 176. Perceval de Cagny, p. 175.]

Had it not been for the archers, cross-bowmen and cannoneers posted at the bridge end by the Sire de Flavy, the bulwark would have been captured. The Burgundians had but twenty wounded and not one slain.[2018] The Maid had not been very vigorously defended.

[Footnote 2018: Letter from the Duke of Burgundy to the inhabitants of Saint-Quentin, in Trial, vol. v, p. 166.]

She was disarmed and taken to Margny.[2019] At the tidings that the witch of the Armagnacs had been taken, cries and rejoicings resounded throughout the Burgundian camp. Duke Philip wished to see her. When he drew near to her, there were certain of his clergy and his knighthood who praised his piety, extolled his courage, and wondered that this mighty Duke was not afraid of the spawn of Hell.[2020]

[Footnote 2019: Monstrelet, vol. iv, p. 388. Chastellain, vol. ii, p. 50. A. Sorel, La prise de Jeanne d'Arc, pp. 253 et seq.]

[Footnote 2020: Jean Jouffroy, in d'Achery, Spicilegium, iii, pp. 823 et seq.]

In this respect, his knighthood were as valiant as he, for many knights and squires flocked to satisfy this same curiosity. Among them was Messire Enguerrand de Monstrelet, a native of the County of Boulogne, a retainer of the House of Luxembourg, the author of the Chronicles. He heard the words the Duke addressed to the prisoner, and, albeit his calling required a good memory, he forgot them. Possibly he did not consider them chivalrous enough to be written in his book.[2021]

[Footnote 2021: Monstrelet, vol. iv, p. 388.]

Jeanne remained in the custody of Messire Jean de Luxembourg, to whom she belonged henceforward. The bowman, her captor, had given her up to his captain, the Bastard of Wandomme, who, in his turn, had yielded her to his Master, Messire Jean.[2022]

[Footnote 2022: Ibid., p. 389. P. Champion, loc. cit., p. 168.]

Branches of the Luxembourg tree extended from the west to the east of Christendom, as far as Bohemia and Hungary; and it had produced six queens, an empress, four kings, and four emperors. A scion of a younger branch of this illustrious house and himself a but poorly landed cadet, Jean de Luxembourg, had with great labour won his spurs in the service of the Duke of Burgundy. When he held the Maid to ransom, he was thirty-nine years of age, covered with wounds and one-eyed.[2023]

[Footnote 2023: La Chronique des cordeliers, and Monstrelet, passim. Vallet de Viriville, Histoire de Charles VII, vol. ii, pp. 165, 166.]

That very evening from his quarters at Coudun the Duke of Burgundy caused letters to be written to the towns of his dominions telling of the capture of the Maid. "Of this capture shall the fame spread far and wide," is written in the letter to the people of Saint-Quentin; "and there shall be bruited abroad the error and misbelief of all such as have approved and favoured the deeds of this woman."[2024]

[Footnote 2024: Trial, vol. v, p. 167. J. Quicherat, Aperçus nouveaux, p. 95.]

In like manner did the Duke send the tidings to the Duke of Brittany by his herald Lorraine; to the Duke of Savoy and to his good town of Ghent.[2025]

[Footnote 2025: Trial, vol. v, p. 358. Le P. Ayroles, La vraie Jeanne d'Arc, vol. iii, p. 534. P. Champion, Guillaume de Flavy, pp. 169-171.]

The survivors of the company the Maid had taken to Compiègne abandoned the siege, and on the morrow returned to their garrisons. The Lombard Captain, Bartolomeo Baretta, Jeanne's lieutenant, remained in the town with thirty-two men-at-arms, two trumpeters, two pages, forty-eight cross bowmen, and twenty archers or targeteers.[2026]

[Footnote 2026: Note concerning Guillaume de Flavy in Trial, vol. v, p. 177. A. Sorel, La prise de Jeanne d'Arc, p. 333.]

Anatole France